islamik gestures


मुस्लिम  पोपुलेशन- –जब तक मुस्लिमों की जनसंख्या किसी देश/प्रदेश/क्षेत्र में लगभग 2% के आसपास होती है, तब वे एकदम शांतिप्रिय, कानूनपसन्द अल्पसंख्यक बनकर रहते हैं और किसी को विशेष शिकायत का मौका नहीं देते, जैसे -

अमेरिका – मुस्लिम 0.6%

ऑस्ट्रेलिया – मुस्लिम 1.5%

कनाडा – मुस्लिम 1.9%

चीन – मुस्लिम 1.8%

इटली – मुस्लिम 1.5%

नॉर्वे – मुस्लिम 1.8%

जब मुस्लिम जनसंख्या 2% से 5% के बीच तक पहुँच जाती है, तब वे अन्य धर्मावलम्बियों में अपना “धर्मप्रचार” शुरु कर देते हैं, जिनमें अक्सर समाज का निचला तबका और अन्य धर्मों से असंतुष्ट हुए लोग होते हैं, जैसे कि –

डेनमार्क – मुस्लिम 2%

जर्मनी – मुस्लिम 3.7%

ब्रिटेन – मुस्लिम 2.7%

स्पेन – मुस्लिम 4%

थाईलैण्ड – मुस्लिम 4.6%

मुस्लिम जनसंख्या के 5% से ऊपर हो जाने पर वे अपने अनुपात के हिसाब से अन्य धर्मावलम्बियों पर दबाव बढ़ाने लगते हैं और अपना “प्रभाव” जमाने की कोशिश करने लगते हैं। उदाहरण के लिये वे सरकारों और शॉपिंग मॉल पर “हलाल” का माँस रखने का दबाव बनाने लगते हैं, वे कहते हैं कि “हलाल” का माँस न खाने से उनकी धार्मिक मान्यतायें प्रभावित होती हैं। इस कदम से कई पश्चिमी देशों में “खाद्य वस्तुओं” के बाजार में मुस्लिमों की तगड़ी पैठ बनी। उन्होंने कई देशों के सुपरमार्केट के मालिकों को दबाव डालकर अपने यहाँ “हलाल” का माँस रखने को बाध्य किया। दुकानदार भी “धंधे” को देखते हुए उनका कहा मान लेता है (अधिक जनसंख्या होने का “फ़ैक्टर” यहाँ से मजबूत होना शुरु हो जाता है), ऐसा जिन देशों में हो चुका वह हैं –

फ़्रांस – मुस्लिम 8%

फ़िलीपीन्स – मुस्लिम 6%

स्वीडन – मुस्लिम 5.5%

स्विटजरलैण्ड – मुस्लिम 5.3%

नीडरलैण्ड – मुस्लिम 5.8%

त्रिनिदाद और टोबैगो – मुस्लिम 6%

इस बिन्दु पर आकर “मुस्लिम” सरकारों पर यह दबाव बनाने लगते हैं कि उन्हें उनके “क्षेत्रों” में शरीयत कानून (इस्लामिक कानून) के मुताबिक चलने दिया जाये (क्योंकि उनका अन्तिम लक्ष्य तो यही है कि समूचा विश्व “शरीयत” कानून के हिसाब से चले)। जब मुस्लिम जनसंख्या 10% से अधिक हो जाती है तब वे उस देश/प्रदेश/राज्य/क्षेत्र विशेष में कानून-व्यवस्था के लिये परेशानी पैदा करना शुरु कर देते हैं, शिकायतें करना शुरु कर देते हैं, उनकी “आर्थिक परिस्थिति” का रोना लेकर बैठ जाते हैं, छोटी-छोटी बातों को सहिष्णुता से लेने की बजाय दंगे, तोड़फ़ोड़ आदि पर उतर आते हैं, चाहे वह फ़्रांस के दंगे हों, डेनमार्क का कार्टून विवाद हो, या फ़िर एम्स्टर्डम में कारों का जलाना हो, हरेक विवाद को समझबूझ, बातचीत से खत्म करने की बजाय खामख्वाह और गहरा किया जाता है, जैसे कि –

गुयाना – मुस्लिम 10%

इसराइल – मुस्लिम 16%

केन्या – मुस्लिम 11%

रूस – मुस्लिम 15% (चेचन्या – मुस्लिम आबादी 70%)

जब मुस्लिम जनसंख्या 20% से ऊपर हो जाती है तब विभिन्न “सैनिक शाखायें” जेहाद के नारे लगाने लगती हैं, असहिष्णुता और धार्मिक हत्याओं का दौर शुरु हो जाता है, जैसे-

इथियोपिया – मुस्लिम 32.8%

भारत – मुस्लिम 22%

मुस्लिम जनसंख्या के 40% के स्तर से ऊपर पहुँच जाने पर बड़ी संख्या में सामूहिक हत्याऐं, आतंकवादी कार्रवाईयाँ आदि चलने लगते हैं, जैसे –

बोस्निया – मुस्लिम 40%

चाड – मुस्लिम 54.2%

लेबनान – मुस्लिम 59%

जब मुस्लिम जनसंख्या 60% से ऊपर हो जाती है तब अन्य धर्मावलंबियों का “जातीय सफ़ाया” शुरु किया जाता है (उदाहरण भारत का कश्मीर), जबरिया मुस्लिम बनाना, अन्य धर्मों के धार्मिक स्थल तोड़ना, जजिया जैसा कोई अन्य कर वसूलना आदि किया जाता है, जैसे –

अल्बानिया – मुस्लिम 70%

मलेशिया – मुस्लिम 62%

कतर – मुस्लिम 78%

सूडान – मुस्लिम 75%

जनसंख्या के 80% से ऊपर हो जाने के बाद तो सत्ता/शासन प्रायोजित जातीय सफ़ाई की जाती है, अन्य धर्मों के अल्पसंख्यकों को उनके मूल नागरिक अधिकारों से भी वंचित कर दिया जाता है, सभी प्रकार के हथकण्डे/हथियार अपनाकर जनसंख्या को 100% तक ले जाने का लक्ष्य रखा जाता है, जैसे –

बांग्लादेश – मुस्लिम 83%

मिस्त्र – मुस्लिम 90%

गाज़ा पट्टी – मुस्लिम 98%

ईरान – मुस्लिम 98%

ईराक – मुस्लिम 97%

जोर्डन – मुस्लिम 93%

मोरक्को – मुस्लिम 98%

पाकिस्तान – मुस्लिम 97%

सीरिया – मुस्लिम 90%

संयुक्त अरब अमीरात – मुस्लिम 96%

बनती कोशिश पूरी 100% जनसंख्या मुस्लिम बन जाने, यानी कि दार-ए-स्सलाम होने की स्थिति में वहाँ सिर्फ़ मदरसे होते हैं और सिर्फ़ कुरान पढ़ाई जाती है और उसे ही अन्तिम सत्य माना जाता है, जैसे –

अफ़गानिस्तान – मुस्लिम 100%

सऊदी अरब – मुस्लिम 100%

सोमालिया – मुस्लिम 100%a

यमन – मुस्लिम 100%

आज की स्थिति में मुस्लिमों की जनसंख्या समूचे विश्व की जनसंख्या का 22-24% है, लेकिन ईसाईयों, हिन्दुओं और यहूदियों के मुकाबले उनकी जन्मदर को देखते हुए कहा जा सकता है कि इस शताब्दी के अन्त से पहले ही मुस्लिम जनसंख्या विश्व की 50% हो जायेगी (यदि तब तक धरती बची तो)… भारत में कुल मुस्लिम जनसंख्या 15% के आसपास मानी जाती है, जबकि हकीकत यह है कि उत्तरप्रदेश, बिहार, पश्चिम बंगाल और केरल के कई जिलों में यह आँकड़ा 60 से 80% तक पहुँच चुका है… अब देश में आगे चलकर क्या परिस्थितियाँ बनेंगी यह कोई भी (“सेकुलरों” को छोड़कर) आसानी से सोच-समझ सकता है…

(सभी सन्दर्भ और आँकड़े : डॉ पीटर हैमण्ड की पुस्तक “स्लेवरी, टेररिज़्म एण्ड इस्लाम – द हिस्टोरिकल रूट्स एण्ड कण्टेम्पररी थ्रेट तथा लियोन यूरिस – “द हज”, से साभार)

भारतमाता की कुछ सेवा करना चाहते हैं  तो अधिक  से अधिक लोगों को ये मैसेज फॉरवर्ड कीजिये

Dead Almost


A trip to Haridwar is always welcome , but who would know if the trip could have been my last one, well for a moment i thought so, we started back home at three in the morning , traffic was minimum so we crossed Roorkee in the nest 45 minutes but as we approached Mujaffarnagar, the traffic became a bit dense, and then stopping and moving and then stopping and moving. around 4 AM in the morning as we were moving slow int he traffic , suddenly my car started moving towards the left without me touching the car, in a flash of a second i realized what was happening , just above my right arm i could see a huge truck pushing my car as if it was ready to crush it.

the face of the truck seemed like a giant demon with huge horns on it and it was saying that it was my last day of life, caring about ones life is but natural but i had my wife and my daughter sleeping and the back seat, now who was to know what would happen to them after I am gone. my wife woke up in a ziffy and while i was shocked and was just looking at the truck pushing our right side of the car, she was busy trying to move the steering towards right, i couldn’t move as i didn’t realize what was happening.

fortunately the truck driver saw us and he stopped it, moved aside and ran away, coming back to senses i realize we were hit and the truck was running away, i took my car into gear and pushed the paddle, car moved and i thought fine not much harm, we were fine, its only the car who had been injured, it has been a habit of my car to take all the troubles of my life onto itself, i am in love with it, i owe a lot to it, my life my dads life, my wife’s my daughter .

i drove fast to catch them, i caught them took their vechile keys and as i was doing this i realized, my wife was shouting at them, she looked like Durga, iwas silent , i took the trucks number and went to the police station which wasnt even a kilometer away, then when i came back they had vanished, the chase began, we caught them just before mujjaffar nagar, but by that time i had decided , to leave the matter and come back home first, as because first the drivers were muslim and you cannot trust a muslim, thats a different topic totally.

and the second thing that we were in mujaffarnagar, my life is more important than the penalty that those guys had to pay, so i decided to bring my car back home and get it repaired here in Delhi.As i was deciding this in my mind i saw the truck take a wrong turn in to the fields and vanish behind the trees.

now what , nothing what i was thinking in my mind had been confirmed by acts of the driver. so i didn’t say anything think anything , took the road straight and came back home.

 

IMG-20140330-00692

Wagha BORDER ( ATTARI STATION)


WE started at around 11 pm at night and our journey to Wagha Border had started, coming to the national highway took only 45 minutes and then the GT Road was the straight road to the border. GT road or the grand trunk road was built by SHER SHAH SURI whose name nowhere is mentioned , but anyways i always remember to take his name whenever we are talking about this road, this road starts from Lahore and goes upto DHAKA which is i believe still the capital of Bangladesh.

Anyways on our way we made our first stop at SUKHDEV DHABA , which is famous for its parathas and had few of  them and then proceeded towards our destination, it took us a total of 10 hours to reach , during which we crossed sonipat, panipat, ludhiana , jalandhar reaching Amritsar around 10 in the morning , after which we took rooms to accommodate us for a day, after resting there for a while we started for the border, it took us half an hour to reach the border from Amritsar, which is a straight road. also known as NATIONAL HIGHWAY 1.

ON reaching the border the roads which were like butter till now transformed into walnut cover . we could see from a distance the number of people waiting near the gate to enter the main gate of the stadium where the ceremony of the evening is to take place. Around Five Thousand people were gathered near the gate, pushing and looking for some space to stand.

THE gate open and everyone started rushing in , the indian army or would call the BSF JAWANS were there to monitor the movements, there were few on the horses who were treating the people like dogs, waving and hitting them with a  stick , this i found very disgusting , by seeing the people being treated very badly.this was sad, but anyways we got into the stadium, where patriotic songs were being played.

THe parade started with much fan fare with people shouting from both sides of the border, the BSF jawans kick reached their head, which i believe was better from any of the karate kids kicks, so much arrogance and attitude was to be seen from both sides , it was more like a mini war . which i felt was too much for the audience , but they were enjoying anyways , this show of anger and hatred by the BSF jawans at the parade is much to do with the kind of relationship we share with PAkistan, no where in the world such kind of show is performed , i believe this should be shown every day for and hour which will certainly raise more patriotism in the people’s mind on both sides of the border.

THE best part on our side was the opening of the PARADE which was done by two beautiful and amazingly tall lady officers of the BSF, this was a moment of pride and the INDIAN side had the women to boast of and the pakistan side had only men, the women were seen at the stands with their burka standing and cheering for their country, OUR WOMEN are better. our thinking is changing and our attitude towards women is also changing , may be slowly but yes it is.

 

Anna & Team Anna insisted that before vacating Ram Leela they cleaned it up. The Gandhian thing to do


Anna & Team Anna insisted that before vacating Ram Leela they cleaned it up. The Gandhian thing to do.

28 Aug via web

I tweeted this on the 28th of August as I saw this hope raised by Tushar Gandhi as

Hope Anna & Team Anna insisted that before vacating Ram Leela they cleaned it up. The Gandhian thing to do.?

The only mistake I made was I forgot to put “hope” in front of my tweet , and hey suddenly the whole twitter world started retweeting this message almost 200 people retweeted this , and it sent a good message that Anna team actually insisted in cleaning the Ramlila ground before they left , which actually in reality they did’nt, and I was in such a stigma that I didn’t want to spoil the goodness gained by the Anna team but at last thought of writing about it here , as I find it very funny that a HOPE just because of a single word missing changed a hope into a statement , what a good feeling it might have given to the people who read it that yes the team Anna was so sincere to clean the mess at Ramlila Ground, but honeslty it was the MCD who did , thanks to them .

For my record I am putting both the statements here.

 

This is a tweet by Tushar

TusharG Tushar A. Gandhi

I hope Anna & Team Anna insisted that before vacating Ram Leela they cleaned it up. The Gandhian thing to do.

 

And this was mine

 

 

Anna & Team Anna insisted that before vacating Ram Leela they cleaned it up. The Gandhian thing to do.

28 Aug via web

 

 

 

 

 

thodi chatpatahat


NA khwaisho ki tapis hai,
Na aarzuo ki aahat
Bass thodi si majburi aur
Thodi chat patahat
MUddato se na aahat hai
na kisi ke aane ki chahat
bas thodi si majburi aur thodi chapatahat
sayen me chipe us rang ki sajis ye thi, ki roshni ne najar na milaya dobara, na baris ki boondo ne mujhe chua na meri parchai ne mujhe pehchana, bass thodi majburi aur thodi chatpatahat

Na kal ki raftar na aaj ka dheemapan

Na hasi , na khushi, na hi gam ka sailab

BAs thodi majburi aur thodi chatpatahat

ARUNDHATI RAI”S ARTICLE ON ANNA HAZARE


I mean she is so beautiful if only she took a bath every morning and did some makeup on her face, hey c’mmon yes we are talking about AR here, honestly i find her very attractive ,but its sometimes liek some friends tell me, tu dekhne me to acha lagta hai par jab bhi MOOH kholta hai BADBU aati hai” literally they dont mean my bad breadth , they actually mean the words that come out of me .

Ar has a problem though she has to say something or the other about anything or the other . IT’s like she knows something about everything and everything about something, anything and everything  is like something and almost nothing for her, Well lets not get confused about something or anything here.

So probably she was thinking that since no-one notices her these days she has the right to write things which by chance or my meaning full accident might draw attention towards her , but what did she know that her article would remain just an artile in the flood on emotions and the sounds of “VANDE MATARAM” and BHARAT MATA KI JAI ” comming from Ramlila ground and other parts of INDIA, Sad she will have to keep a watch on any other opportunity that might be comming her way. Best of luck to her.

While writing all this it is quite difficult to make out whom is she trying to please, and whom did it matter at all. well preserving this as well for my refrence to keep in mind not to write anything like this , if I ever do IN FUTURE.

ARTICLE FROM ” THE HINDU”A DAILY NEWSPAPER IN INDIA.

 

While his means maybe Gandhian, his demands are certainly not.

If what we’re watching on TV is indeed a revolution, then it has to be one of the more embarrassing and unintelligible ones of recent times. For now, whatever questions you may have about the Jan Lokpal Bill, here are the answers you’re likely to get: tick the box — (a) Vande Mataram (b) Bharat Mata ki Jai (c) India is Anna, Anna is India (d) Jai Hind.

For completely different reasons, and in completely different ways, you could say that the Maoists and the Jan Lokpal Bill have one thing in common — they both seek the overthrow of the Indian State. One working from the bottom up, by means of an armed struggle, waged by a largely adivasi army, made up of the poorest of the poor. The other, from the top down, by means of a bloodless Gandhian coup, led by a freshly minted saint, and an army of largely urban, and certainly better off people. (In this one, the Government collaborates by doing everything it possibly can to overthrow itself.)

In April 2011, a few days into Anna Hazare’s first “fast unto death,” searching for some way of distracting attention from the massive corruption scams which had battered its credibility, the Government invited Team Anna, the brand name chosen by this “civil society” group, to be part of a joint drafting committee for a new anti-corruption law. A few months down the line it abandoned that effort and tabled its own bill in Parliament, a bill so flawed that it was impossible to take seriously.

Then, on August 16th, the morning of his second “fast unto death,” before he had begun his fast or committed any legal offence, Anna Hazare was arrested and jailed. The struggle for the implementation of the Jan Lokpal Bill now coalesced into a struggle for the right to protest, the struggle for democracy itself. Within hours of this ‘Second Freedom Struggle,’ Anna was released. Cannily, he refused to leave prison, but remained in Tihar jail as an honoured guest, where he began a fast, demanding the right to fast in a public place. For three days, while crowds and television vans gathered outside, members of Team Anna whizzed in and out of the high security prison, carrying out his video messages, to be broadcast on national TV on all channels. (Which other person would be granted this luxury?) Meanwhile 250 employees of the Municipal Commission of Delhi, 15 trucks, and six earth movers worked around the clock to ready the slushy Ramlila grounds for the grand weekend spectacle. Now, waited upon hand and foot, watched over by chanting crowds and crane-mounted cameras, attended to by India’s most expensive doctors, the third phase of Anna’s fast to the death has begun. “From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, India is One,” the TV anchors tell us.

While his means may be Gandhian, Anna Hazare’s demands are certainly not. Contrary to Gandhiji’s ideas about the decentralisation of power, the Jan Lokpal Bill is a draconian, anti-corruption law, in which a panel of carefully chosen people will administer a giant bureaucracy, with thousands of employees, with the power to police everybody from the Prime Minister, the judiciary, members of Parliament, and all of the bureaucracy, down to the lowest government official. The Lokpal will have the powers of investigation, surveillance, and prosecution. Except for the fact that it won’t have its own prisons, it will function as an independent administration, meant to counter the bloated, unaccountable, corrupt one that we already have. Two oligarchies, instead of just one.

Whether it works or not depends on how we view corruption. Is corruption just a matter of legality, of financial irregularity and bribery, or is it the currency of a social transaction in an egregiously unequal society, in which power continues to be concentrated in the hands of a smaller and smaller minority? Imagine, for example, a city of shopping malls, on whose streets hawking has been banned. A hawker pays the local beat cop and the man from the municipality a small bribe to break the law and sell her wares to those who cannot afford the prices in the malls. Is that such a terrible thing? In future will she have to pay the Lokpal representative too? Does the solution to the problems faced by ordinary people lie in addressing the structural inequality, or in creating yet another power structure that people will have to defer to?

Meanwhile the props and the choreography, the aggressive nationalism and flag waving of Anna’s Revolution are all borrowed, from the anti-reservation protests, the world-cup victory parade, and the celebration of the nuclear tests. They signal to us that if we do not support The Fast, we are not ‘true Indians.’ The 24-hour channels have decided that there is no other news in the country worth reporting.

‘The Fast’ of course doesn’t mean Irom Sharmila’s fast that has lasted for more than ten years (she’s being force fed now) against the AFSPA, which allows soldiers in Manipur to kill merely on suspicion. It does not mean the relay hunger fast that is going on right now by ten thousand villagers in Koodankulam protesting against the nuclear power plant. ‘The People’ does not mean the Manipuris who support Irom Sharmila’s fast. Nor does it mean the thousands who are facing down armed policemen and mining mafias in Jagatsinghpur, or Kalinganagar, or Niyamgiri, or Bastar, or Jaitapur. Nor do we mean the victims of the Bhopal gas leak, or the people displaced by dams in the Narmada Valley. Nor do we mean the farmers in NOIDA, or Pune or Haryana or elsewhere in the country, resisting the takeover of the land.

‘The People’ only means the audience that has gathered to watch the spectacle of a 74-year-old man threatening to starve himself to death if his Jan Lokpal Bill is not tabled and passed by Parliament. ‘The People’ are the tens of thousands who have been miraculously multiplied into millions by our TV channels, like Christ multiplied the fishes and loaves to feed the hungry. “A billion voices have spoken,” we’re told. “India is Anna.”

Who is he really, this new saint, this Voice of the People? Oddly enough we’ve heard him say nothing about things of urgent concern. Nothing about the farmer’s suicides in his neighbourhood, or about Operation Green Hunt further away. Nothing about Singur, Nandigram, Lalgarh, nothing about Posco, about farmer’s agitations or the blight of SEZs. He doesn’t seem to have a view about the Government’s plans to deploy the Indian Army in the forests of Central India.

He does however support Raj Thackeray’s Marathi Manoos xenophobia and has praised the ‘development model’ of Gujarat’s Chief Minister who oversaw the 2002 pogrom against Muslims. (Anna withdrew that statement after a public outcry, but presumably not his admiration.)

Despite the din, sober journalists have gone about doing what journalists do. We now have the back-story about Anna’s old relationship with the RSS. We have heard from Mukul Sharma who has studied Anna’s village community in Ralegan Siddhi, where there have been no Gram Panchayat or Co-operative society elections in the last 25 years. We know about Anna’s attitude to ‘harijans': “It was Mahatma Gandhi’s vision that every village should have one chamar, one sunar, one kumhar and so on. They should all do their work according to their role and occupation, and in this way, a village will be self-dependant. This is what we are practicing in Ralegan Siddhi.” Is it surprising that members of Team Anna have also been associated with Youth for Equality, the anti-reservation (pro-“merit”) movement? The campaign is being handled by people who run a clutch of generously funded NGOs whose donors include Coca-Cola and the Lehman Brothers. Kabir, run by Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia, key figures in Team Anna, has received $400,000 from the Ford Foundation in the last three years. Among contributors to the India Against Corruption campaign there are Indian companies and foundations that own aluminum plants, build ports and SEZs, and run Real Estate businesses and are closely connected to politicians who run financial empires that run into thousands of crores of rupees. Some of them are currently being investigated for corruption and other crimes. Why are they all so enthusiastic?

Remember the campaign for the Jan Lokpal Bill gathered steam around the same time as embarrassing revelations by Wikileaks and a series of scams, including the 2G spectrum scam, broke, in which major corporations, senior journalists, and government ministers and politicians from the Congress as well as the BJP seem to have colluded in various ways as hundreds of thousands of crores of rupees were being siphoned off from the public exchequer. For the first time in years, journalist-lobbyists were disgraced and it seemed as if some major Captains of Corporate India could actually end up in prison. Perfect timing for a people’s anti-corruption agitation. Or was it?

At a time when the State is withdrawing from its traditional duties and Corporations and NGOs are taking over government functions (water supply, electricity, transport, telecommunication, mining, health, education); at a time when the terrifying power and reach of the corporate owned media is trying to control the public imagination, one would think that these institutions — the corporations, the media, and NGOs — would be included in the jurisdiction of a Lokpal bill. Instead, the proposed bill leaves them out completely.

Now, by shouting louder than everyone else, by pushing a campaign that is hammering away at the theme of evil politicians and government corruption, they have very cleverly let themselves off the hook. Worse, by demonising only the Government they have built themselves a pulpit from which to call for the further withdrawal of the State from the public sphere and for a second round of reforms — more privatisation, more access to public infrastructure and India’s natural resources. It may not be long before Corporate Corruption is made legal and renamed a Lobbying Fee.

Will the 830 million people living on Rs.20 a day really benefit from the strengthening of a set of policies that is impoverishing them and driving this country to civil war?

This awful crisis has been forged out of the utter failure of India’s representative democracy, in which the legislatures are made up of criminals and millionaire politicians who have ceased to represent its people. In which not a single democratic institution is accessible to ordinary people. Do not be fooled by the flag waving. We’re watching India being carved up in war for suzerainty that is as deadly as any battle being waged by the warlords of Afghanistan, only with much, much more at stake.

 

YOUR COMMENTS ARE AWAITED< MINE ARE ALREADY THERE.

 

 

 

Khursid’s interview with KARAN THAPAR


Two most intelligent people on India i believe, loved the interview , was amazing listening to two people one arrogant and one intellect , dont mistake Karan Thapar for being intellect I find him arrogant an for that matter most of his schoolmates are , arrogant and snobs . Although supporting Congress in the way they handled Anna episode is not my forte but for that matter and good conversation should be appreciated thats my belief, So here presenting and preserving this particular interview in my blog for the times to read when i am looking for some arrogance filled conversation , Karan asked just one question in the whole interview did your government make a mistake and the answer was no, Nothing else was asked or answered .

Video

In Devil’s Advocate this week, Karan Thapar speaks to Union Law Minister Salman Khurshid and asks him if the government made serious mistakes in their handling of Anna Hazare and his protest against corruption.

Karan Thapar: Hello and welcome to Devil’s Advocate. How does the government defend itself against what many consider the gross mishandling of Anna Hazare? That’s the key issue I shall explore today with Law Minister Salman Khurshid. Salman Khurshid, Pranab Mukherjee has already admitted that the government may have bungled. Most people much go stronger than that. They say this a debacle, possibly a disaster. Can you this morning accept that the government made serious mistakes?

Salman Khurshid: See, please don’t pick words out of context. Pranabda was speaking to the House and in the House repartee; you want to put an end to…

Karan Thapar: One moment, are you trying to say that outside the House he would say something else?

Salman Khurshid: In House repartee you have to call an end to issues that become irrelevant, when you want to get to the core, and he wanted to get to the core and he essentially was saying let’s not argue about your point of view, let us now get to the point.

Karan Thapar: Salman, let me interrupt you and put this to you. Probably 90 per cent of India today is convinced that your government seriously mishandled the Anna situation. Can you today, as an honest minister accept that serious mistakes were made?

Salman Khurshid: I’m saying that everything you do doesn’t necessarily give you those returns that you expect when you do it. You have to stand back and look at what steps you took, what by hindsight you may not have taken. But I don’t think this is a blame game or an acceptance of a postmortem.

Karan Thapar: Forgive me, you’re sounding like Lehman Brothers claiming that subprime motives wasn’t a crime. You’ve actually been negligent, you’ve allowed a crisis to develop. India has been traumatised for 13 days, and when asked, a member of the government hasn’t got the capacity to say that his government made serious mistakes?.

Salman Khurshid: No, I don’t believe we made serious mistakes, I do believe that it was a unique experience. I do believe that it was important not just for us to act alone, but to get every big political party, the major political parties on board, and I think at the end of the day that’s what we achieved and it’s the result that should matter.

Karan Thapar: What you’ve achieved in fact is a monumental mess that lasted for 13 days traumatising India. But let’s leave that aside, I’ll come to that in a moment’s time. Let me repeat my question. Are you saying to me that your government made no mistakes handling Anna Hazare?

Salman Khurshid: I’m saying that they made no mistakes. I’m saying that the outcome of what we did…

Karan Thapar: I’m interrupting you. Do you want to really say that you made no mistake?

Salman Khurshid: Yes, I’m saying the outcome of what we did, it depends on how you define a mistake. A mistake is to do something that you should not be doing.

Karan Thapar: Aren’t you quibbling with words?

Salman Khurshid: I’m not quibbling with words, I think this is a very sensitive, complicated and a difficult situation that has just unfolded into a mutual resolution.

Karan Thapar: This pride, is this bravado that you cannot admit you made mistakes?

Salman Khurshid: No, no, it’s faith, it’s confidence and belief that we don’t want the government to be kicked around by people who have…

Karan Thapar: But the government was. The government was not just kicked around, you became a football.

Salman Khurshid: I don’t think government was. I think it’s the best possible resolution Parliament could have got and if you look at what we have done, the manner in which we have done, I don’t think you can quibble with it.

Karan Thapar: I am going to give you once last opportunity to answer this question, I’m asking it perhaps for the fifth time. Are you seriously saying you made no mistakes?

Salman Khurshid:Ask me for a 100 times, we made no mistakes. What we did may not have turned out to be as it would, maybe our anticipation and calculation turned out to be not what we thought it would be, but I’m not prepared to admit that we made mistakes. We very carefully step by step tried to understand the complicated situation and the fact that what we did may not have given us positive results, is not to be treated as ‘you made a mistake’.

Karan Thapar: Alright, I let you answer that in full without interrupting you because I thought it was fair that you should be able to explain to the people why you think you didn’t make a mistake.

Salman Khurshid:That’s only fair for the media to behave like that always.

Karan Thapar: Let’s not quibble about that.

Salman Khurshid: I’m asserting. I’m not quibbling.

Karan Thapar: Let’s come to the consequences of what happened. To begin with, your government today in the eyes of many Indians stands discredited, its authority is dented, many people are losing faith in your government.

Salman Khurshid: I don’t think that’s the impression we have. First time, after years, certainly in my life, to have a unanimous resolution by popular acclaimed in the House led by the leader of the House,

Karan Thapar: That acclaimed in the House was not for the government. In fact the truth is that two of your most senior ministers Kapil Sibal and P Chidambaram are discredited. Arvind Kejriwal refused to speak with them, at Ramlila Maidan they became hate figures.

Salman Khurshid:I will question that. They were involved…

Karan Thapar: On what basis can you question that?

Salman Khurshid: I will tell you why. They were involved at a very difficult stage, they were involved when they had to take calls that were difficult calls, they were involved when there was intransigence on both sides.

Karan Thapar: And they messed up, which is why Arvind Kejriwal refused to speak to them, which is why they were withdrawn as interlocutors and you replaced them.

Salman Khurshid: No, no, they were never withdrawn. Nobody was withdrawn.

Karan Thapar: But they disappeared from sight.

Salman Khurshid: I’m sorry, they remained there constantly, they did what they were required to do and they helped us all the way. I didn’t go to the Ramlila Ground, it was Mr Deshmukh who went.

Karan Thapar: Alright you may dispute that your colleagues were discredited.

Salman Khurshid: I’m not prepared to accept. You may be popular or unpopular with the crowd on a particular moment for a particular event, but I’m not prepared to accept that they are discredited.

Karan Thapar: Alright let’s come to the impression of the Prime Minister. Today many Indians are questioning his leadership, they believe that he wasn’t in control during this crisis, worst of all in the eyes of many people he’s losing the respect he had in 2009. For the Prime Minister, this has been a serious debacle.

Salman Khurshid: I don’t think that you have studied what happened. How every step was led by him, how every decision was done by him, for four days, the Prime Minister just sat there almost as though he was in a control room monitoring every step that we took and every word that we spoke, and I’m sorry that if someone thinks that the Prime Minister was not in control, then they don’t understand what happened.

Karan Thapar: Alright, but the impression has gone across the whole country, very widely that the government is discredited, people are losing trust, the Prime Minister’s authority is diminished, people are losing faith in him. That’s the problem you face today.

Salman Khurshid: I’m not prepared to accept that, but I certainly will display that the space that has been taken by contending people, we will need to get that space back.

Karan Thapar: There’s an awful lot of space that you need to get back. An ocean has also opened between you and the people.

Salman Khurshid: It happens in a democracy and when oceans open they also split to give you a part that happened with Moses.

Karan Thapar: You’re not Moses. You have lost the capacity to lead the people to the future land, that’s the problem.

Salman Khurshid: We may not be Moses, but we’re not against Gandhi either. Gandhi is on our side.

Karan Thapar: You didn’t fulfill his principals. The Gandhi mantle descended on Anna Hazare, you looked like the British colonialists and imperialists and like them you stand discredited.

Salman Khurshid: That is your view and I don’t want to contradict it again and again, but I’m telling you the bottomline is that whenever these kinds of things happen, there are gives and takes, there are improvements and falling in popularity stakes, we know what we’re doing, we know where we’re going and we know the time that we have.

Karan Thapar: Let’s then come to the serious mistakes you made, which of course, you say you didn’t make at all, but the people widely believe you did. Given that you knew from April that Anna Hazare intended to start a second fast unto death in August, why did you not hold the special session you held on Saturday, pass a resolution you passed on Saturday, earlier so that you could prevent this?

Salman Khurshid: We didn’t hold a special session on Saturday.

Karan Thapar: But you held a special day of debate. why didn’t you do it earlier?

Salman Khurshid: We were to do it for other legislation but when we found that there as a criticality involved in the health of Anna Hazare. We assumed we could not wait till Monday.

Karan Thapar: How come you didn’t realise and appreciate that the situation would become critical. You had warnings from April, that’s what I’m saying. Instead of understanding it is a political crisis, you treated it as law and order, that’s the error you made to begin with.

Salman Khurshid: World over, why do peace talks happen, when they happen?

Karan Thapar: Because a crisis develops, but do you have to let a crisis develop?

Salman Khurshid: You should not have a crisis. Why do you go to a doctor when a crisis develops? Don’t allow your crisis to develop.

Karan Thapar: Isn’t prevention better than cure? You failed to prevent.

Salman Khurshid: Of course it is. But you can’t always prevent and sometimes you have to cure.

Karan Thapar: You had a warning from April of a hunger strike and you couldn’t prevent the crisis developing?

Salman Khurshid: We tried our best.

Karan Thapar: You didn’t, that’s what I’m saying. You treated it as law and order.

Salman Khurshid: It’s your assessment. No we didn’t treat it as a law and order problem. There were two parallel lines working. One was the line of negotiation, one was the line of trying to understand what was the give and take available, the other was a line which automatically had to be applied which was the law and order line.

Karan Thapar: Hang on a second. You said there was a line of negotiations and yet 48 hours before Anna Hazare’s hunger strike began, Manish Tewari was calling him corrupt saying he was corrupt from head to toe, at that point, you should have been reaching out, you instead offended him, and offending frantically everyone in the country as well.

Salman Khurshid: I think we’ve talked about this in an earlier programme, Manish Tewari had an answer then, he had drawn a line, it was a position that a young man took upset by the fact that the Prime Minister had been sent a very distressing message. He took that position but he did realise that it was a tougher position to take.

Karan Thapar: He realised 10 to 12 days later. It was a monumental mistake of judgement and are you really blaming it on Manish rather than the officials of the Congress?

Salman Khurshid: I’m not blaming anyone, I’m just explaining Manish’s emotions, I’m not blaming him.

Karan Thapar: Strange explanation that a spokesman could make such a disastrous mistake as to offend the one man you want to try and win.

Salman Khurshid: There were many other contact points which were positive, which were creative and constructive and I think that’s what worked in the end. Please give us credit for what we have done yesterday, instead of running us down on everything.

Karan Thapar: One can virtually give you credit for having dug yourself out out of a grave with the help of others around you, wouldn’t choose to become your burial partners. That’s the only thing I want to give you credit for. Let me point out a second mistake. When Anna had announced that he wanted to protest, why did you impose undemocratic condition restricting the protest. You forced him to bring people out in the street in defiance of your unfair and undemocratic restrictions. You created that protest.

Salman Khurshid: You sound as though this is the first time law of the land has been imposed. The law of the land is for everyone, its no different for me, its no different for Anna.

Karan Thapar: Do you not see this undemocratic, high handed and arrogant fashion?

Salman Khurshid: No, it was not an arrogant faction, I must pay tribute to the Delhi Police for the manner in which the last 10 days have been handled, I think it’s the most remarkable conduct and behaviour and I’ve had this from Anna’s side himself.

Karan Thapar: I’m very happy that you should pay tribute to the Delhi Police but I don’t hold them, the country doesn’t hold them responsible for the faults that happened. It’s the politicians who are their master, i.e., your government, that is at fault. Your second mistake was that on August 16, before he had committed any fault, you swept down on his home and preventively detained him at 7 am in the morning. It was offensive, it annoyed people of the country.

Salman Khurshid: It may have annoyed, but I can’t understand one thing. It’s happened to me six times, when I was UPCC president, you didn’t ask anybody why that was done to me.

Karan Thapar: Because you’re a politician…

Salman Khurshid: Because I’m a small man. And I don’t have media partnerships.

Karan Thapar: This is an icon who had hundreds and thousands of people behind him. you provoked the people. No one gets provoked when a Salman Khurshid is preventively detained.

Salman Khurshid:I’m sorry they were. It’s just that you don’t know. The world doesn’t end with the media box. The world is much larger. The world certainly starts and ends with Anna Hazare. Anna Hazare is a very important icon. Anna Hazare is someone to whom not only our Prime Minister has saluted, but paid tribute. Today, we are pleased and happy that he is in a hospital, that his health will be secure. But, we’re not folding up and going away, not because you think so, we’re here and we will be here.

Karan Thapar: Whether you’re folding up or whether you’re retreating because you’ve been pushed on the backfoot and you’re stumbling, perhaps over the wicket, we leave that to the people to judge.

Salman Khurshid: Just as we will leave it to the people, the role that you in the media are playing.

Karan Thapar: Absolutely, and it’s only right that the people should have criticism if they believe it’s the case of people like me. Let’s come back to you because I’m questioning you.

Salman Khurshid: I’m questioning you as well. I’m not here just to answer.

Karan Thapar: You say you treat Anna as an icon. How come that a man was considered not just by the people, but by you as an icon of the fight against corruption, went detained, and he hadn’t even at that point been formally arrested, was actually put in Tihar Jail alongside Kalmadi and Raja, that created so much anguish that perhaps a million people all over India in the next 10 days came out progressively in protest. Can’t you accept today that that was a terrible error of judgement?

Salman Khurshid:Let me tell you, it wasn’t a million.

Karan Thapar: Altogether in 10 days?

Salman Khurshid: You go on for six months, it’ll be even more. I’m not even talking about numbers. Please don’t exaggerate and please don’t build an emotional picture that’s unacceptable.

Karan Thapar: But you’re not answering my question.

Salman Khurshid: Let us be scientific, if there was micromanagement, I would imagine that our colleagues if at all they were involved, would have made alternate arrangements. If you’re asking me, at the end of the day, did it look good cosmetically? My answer is no, it didn’t.

Karan Thapar: So are you accepting in that euphemistic language that it was a mistake?

Salman Khurshid: I have said to you that he was sent by the order of the Magistrate.

Karan Thapar: Whoever’s order it was, you could have told him to …

Salman Khurshid: I can’t question a judge in this country, I’m not going to be on your provocation questioning a judge of the country. But I have said to you, whatever may have happened, whatever we may have done, the consequences of that may not have been what we would have desired. I’m prepared to accept that, and if I don’t accept that.

Karan Thapar: That is euphemism.

Salman Khurshid: I don’t know how many of your viewers are going to understand what euphemism means.

Karan Thapar: Well lets assume the viewers do and let’s not question their intelligence.

Salman Khurshid: I’m not questioning their intelligence, I’m questioning your vocabulary not their intelligence.

Karan Thapar: I think they can follow the vocabulary of words. What I’m saying to you is this, a progression of mistakes by your government from April to…

Salman Khurshid: You can’t.

Karan Thapar: Don’t you want to answer questions that are difficult?

Salman Khurshid: If I wanted to stay away from difficult questions, I wouldn’t have come to your programme. But please don’t try to slip in the word mistake repeatedly by left to the right. I’m not going to accept that.

Karan Thapar: A series of decisions that many consider questionable ensured that hundreds and thousands came out, you converted through your decisions a protest into a mass movement, you created the problem that lasted for 13 days and traumatised India. Today with hindsight I’m asking you with good grace, can you not accept that your decisions were wrong?

Salman Khurshid: I said the consequences may not have been what we wanted them to be. If you want to use the word wrong, please go ahead, but certainly, I don’t believe that everything that has happened in these days has been negative, I think some positive things have happened, we have gained something out of those positive things. I think for the future we can say that this will add to our understanding and knowledge of mass movements of the kind that we get in the 21st century.

Karan Thapar: And god what a lesson it’s been. But let me put this to you, the country has been traumatised for 13 days, the country believes the government and senior ministers, will heads roll, will anyone in your government accept responsibility for the trauma India has been put through?

Salman Khurshid: I am prepared to accept if you think that something…

Karan Thapar: Are you offering your resignation on television?

Salman Khurshid: I’m not offering my resignation, I’m accepting responsibility. This is the problem. I don’t accept, our government doesn’t accept and Parliament doesn’t accept that you should be sitting on channels deciding how government should function. You can advice, you can comment, but please don’t tell us how government is to function.

Karan Thapar: I am not telling you how the government should function. I am pointing out mistakes that people believe you made which you deny. I am pointing out errors that lead to a nation wide movement that could have been restrained as a protest. Again you will deny

Salman Khurshid: Please understand. Let me give you words

Karan Thapar: Will anyone take responsibility and resign?

Salman Khurshid: Please ask the Prime Minister. You’re not going to ask me – ‘is the Prime Minister happy with my work?’, ‘Is the Prime Minister happy with someone else’s work?’, ‘Is the Prime Minister happy with our collective contribution?’ The Prime Minister will be able to tell you.

Karan Thapar: You know what that sounds like – if the Prime Minister wants to sack someone so be it but no minister will accept that he or she was responsible and honourably offer to resign.

Salman Khurshid: I don’t know. I cannot speak for anybody. I can only speak for myself. You are not interviewing the Cabinet, you are interviewing one minister. And I can only speak for myself. If errors of judgement have been made, errors of judgement are made whenever you are involved in a difficult situation. Error of judgements are not mistakes, please understand. I have a very clear understanding of this.

Karan Thapar: Error of judgements are mistakes that’s only a equable to say they are not.

Salman Khurshid: They are not equable. Why would they have different words and different phrases if everything meant the same thing?

Karan Thapar: You know Churchill said a lie could be called a terminologically inexactitude. It is actually the same thing. Whether you call it an error of judgement or a mistake, it’s the same thing.

Salman Khurshid: I am sorry.

Karan Thapar: Why the euphemism for the other?

Salman Khurshid: I am sorry, I am not prepared to accept that.

Karan Thapar: Okay my last question. The country has been through trauma, I’ve heard you defiantly refusing to accept you’ve made mistakes, no doubt you put up an extremely valiant defence for the government, your colleagues and cabinet would be extremely pleased and happy. But, for a moment, the people of India wanting a democratic accountability might be deeply dismayed. They might say ‘he’s a brave minister, he faced up to tough questioning which perhaps his other colleagues aren’t prepared to do but at the end of the day when he was asked a simple question – can you accept you made a mistake – pride and arrogance came before speaking the truth’.

Salman Khurshid: You use the word arrogance too often, I don’t like it. I told you courage of conviction it is, faith in yourself. We are not pushovers. We might have made errors of judgement, and as I said we may have lost ground somewhere, but we are determined to get that ground back. We have, I believe, we have reached out to a remarkable man in a remarkable movement and we do want that movement to go forward and give India a much better scheme of things. We are determined it will happen.

Karan Thapar: Salman Khurshid, thank you very much for facing a hostile interview.

Salman Khurshid: Thank you.

TWO


The last time I wrote something was in 2009 now its two years and all this time the time has passed as if nothing had touched me nothing had passed through me , as if I was just waiting for something to happen, it’s amazing that  the answers we seek and the questions we ask are the ones we think about , but we don’t ever speak about it , its rainy season again and I have a home where the raindrops cannot be felt, the roof is very high , the room is compact with windows so strong that they do not open with the hardest knock, the raindrops do not disturb me in my sleep, I sleep with rooms closed and windows shut. The wind does flow buts it’s just the fan and the air conditioner. What have I lost in between, no more dreams of the monks walking in the jungle with sweet melodies and smooth prayers of theirs.

Lost the ability of my virgin mind its occupied with many things I was alone in a crowded place and have always been one, I was scared of myself and am still, I wanted to be free and still want to. There are moments which do make me happy but still the happiness does not touch me , its wants to pass through me , it wants to stay away from me as if when I touched it would lose its rainbow colors . that’s when the interruption comes in I am eighter very unhappy or very dissatisfied with things around me , I will forever be thinking about this , but this is something which I eating me up, something that’s spoiling me.

 

I may be dead as a person but the soul it still lives and till the time it does not die I still have some hope for revival , till then the dead man speaks.

 

CRIBBING


MOst relationships end because of too much cribbing

Soul lost and dead


What does one do when he is extremely sad and knows the reason behind it but can do nothing about it, the thought of being happy never crosses his mind, even if he tries there is nothing that he can actually do. Life changes, time changes and small things in life change every thing for a human being, a small gesture can make a man give his life for someone and a small gesture can kill him for eternity. Not physically, but for sure he dies within. He sees himself die and fade out slowly and steadily. Time comes when he still looks for himself but never finds one; he is already dead and lost in the abyss of sadness. A man could be happy for ever, he could be sad for ever but can he be dead for ever, immense pain crafted properly and engraved in his mind, does not let him live anymore , he is dead as a person as a human and as an individual. This is what is happening in someone’s life, if you look for that person you will find him near you, it could be you , it could be anyone, one small thing, one small episode a pinch of a moment can make life a miserable one to live for. Does everyone gets a second chance to live, what if the second chance never arrives , what if the second chance is never to come, will he be dead for ever, will he ever come out alive of the sadness which lies beneath him and is becoming a cancer , an incurable disease. A disease an infection in the mind and the soul. What if the soul is dead and the human lives, can he live without the soul can he ever even know that he had a soul of his own. What kills him is not the mind not the body not the soul not anything but that small thing in life, its so small that it has no such significance as such , but it is so small that it cannot be seen but is painful to the extent of killing his inner self.